Delmo Developments

The Bootheel of Missouri during the 1930’s was not a good place for sharecroppers. After the Little River Drainage District completed most of their work, the area became farmland. With cotton being over produced, prices collapsed, small farm foreclosures encouraged consolidations increased by the 1920’s.

With the mid 1930’s introduction of the Agriculture Adjustment Act (AAA) plow-up programs, sharecroppers were becoming homeless in larger numbers. Between 1926 and 1936 the Farm Security Administration (FSA) estimated that more than 60 percent of Southeast Missouri’s sharecroppers were forced to look for day labor jobs.

In the two decades ending in 1930, over 17,000 arrived in the Delta of Southeast Missouri looking for work. Many of them were sharecropper recruited from Mississippi with the promise of land to farm. Landowners provided the seed, farm implements, mules, and meager housing with the sharecropper worked the land from planting to harvest for a share of the crop.

With the Stock Market collapse in 1929, cotton prices dropped drastically. Over production had glutted the market. Thus was the reason for the AAA programs. Under these programs the planter was required to share federal money with the sharecropper. Instead of dividing the payment, the landlords unlawfully evicted tenants, or converted them to day labors.

Farm labors were not helped, in fact hurt, although government planners tried farmers found a way around these laws. Sharecroppers, aided by the Southern Tenant Farmers Union, applied for help from the government. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) and a division of the Department of the Interior responded to the increasing number of homeless and unemployed. They funded the construction of over 100 agricultural communities throughout the cotton-producing South.

One such community, named Southeast Missouri Farms, was located on 6,700 acres near New Madrid at the small community of LaForge. Thus, the residents knew the development as LaForge. The FSA, in 1937 moved in 100 pre-fabricated housing. This was a segregated (40 black and 60White) community of sharecroppers. Each wooden house had two bedrooms without running water, however, a well and privy was provided each unit. Also included with each house was a wood or coal burning stove, cabinets and enameled sinks.

As this was a segregated community in Southeast Missouri where the Southern ethical cultural was dominate, racial tension simmered. Nevertheless, for the most part, families managed to exist in reasonable harmony and form a cooperative society.

Pooling their resources the farmers at LaForge worked the land, pooling their profits. With low interest government loans, they were able to purchase the equipment and farm animals (mules, horses, and cattle) needed. Cotton remained the major cash crop which feed their cotton gin; however, the cooperative also raised cattle, hay, chickens, hogs, and vegetables. They also enriched their lives with a library, a night school, knitting clubs, softball teams, and churches

Local landowners opposed the idea of sharecropper resettlement communities as it gave the working class a changed to organize politically. This in spite of the fact, communities such as LaForge helped only a small number of sharecroppers.

A professor of history at Lincoln University in Jefferson City, Missouri visited the demonstration and was sickened at what he saw. In his classes he described what he had seen. His students gave up their Senior Prom, donating the money to help the croppers. Activist Fannie Cook organized a citizens committee to arrange for relief to dissenters. Lincoln University students and Cook’s Committee donated enough money for Owen Whitfield and some of the sharecroppers were able to purchase 93 acres near Poplar Bluff, Missouri. This community became known as Copperville.

Survival the first year was difficult. They constructed houses and began working the land. Sickness sweeps the village; there were even some deaths. The residents were often hungry. Yet, Copperville slowly began to thrive. A school became part of the scene along with a church. Community gardens not only help feed the residents, but gave them a feeling of community.

After the roadside demonstration in 1939, the number of homeless in the Bootheel multiplied several times over. After about a year, emotions were not so pointed; then changes brought about by the protest were becoming evident and wider excepted.

Widespread evictions were set for 1940, or so Whitfield heard. He informed governor stark that if something was not done immediately, there would be another roadside demonstration like that of 1939. Contrasting his earlier actions, he quickly acted.

Missouri’s Governor Stark held a conference in St. Louis, inviting the planters, Owen Whitfield, and officers of the FSA to seek the best way to solve the housing problem. In marked contrast to his attitude in 1939 where he regarded any FSA Projects in the Bootheel as upsetting to the social order, the governor requested an expansion of the agency whole rehabilitation programs in the area.

Along Highways 60 and 61 with the demonstration was been one year earlier; on the second day of the St. Louis Conference, signs appeared reminding motorists of the landless family’s plight. “Lest You Forget”, the sings read, “One Year Ago, sat on this roadside, 1,500 croppers shelter less for days in snow and freezing cold”. “Little had changed”, one message stated, “except the abuses remain and grow. Another suggested another strike unless the federal government does something.

This symbolic protest, organized by local union groups, reawakens visual memories of the 1939 demonstration and gave a new urgency to the negotiations.

Coming to the conference, the FSA not expecting the same stiff necked resistance as before came with a plan that included the social Security administration, the WPA, and other state organization and including local civic groups.

Now that the Bootheel’s and governor’s attitude had turned to favor the FSA present in Southeast Missouri, Phil Beck, the FSA regional director, was enthusiastic about the chances of success. FSA, if necessary, was willing to carry the full economic burden for their plans.

During the conference, Stark ask the planters to delay eviction set for January 10th until February 1.This would give state and federal agencies time to carry out relief measures. Trying further to help the croppers, he requested that if all possible, not to evict any tenants or sharecropper for the coming season. Many of the landowner followed the Governor’s request.

With rumors of more demonstrations, the planters and landlords also had a change in attitude. In several ad hoc meetings before the St. Louis conference they had agree with Stark’s plan to solve the sharecropper problem. The simple fact the landowners’ wiliness to even discuss a change in farm tenancy showed a major change in their thinking.

Emotions had cooled down and the Governor-planters met with FSA officials with a plan having two objectives. Stark wanted a short term solution to the housing problems for tenant farmers. Secondly, he desired a tenure answer which solved the homeless sharecropper dilemma. The he saw as requiring a resettlement program with small tracts of land and the assistance of the FSA.

A large landholder from Sikeston offered the most popular plan His suggestion included small tracts of land, five to ten acres, leased to the FSA with them building houses for the tenants. An alternative plan was having the planters build housing and leasing them to the FSA with the occupant paying a low rent to the agency. Both plans had the FSA increasing their loan program to permit tenant to purchase farm equipment and all materials needed for farming.

During the January Governor’s Conference, Stark announced the establishment of a special landlord-sharecroppers committee. As a first step they were to study the tenant eviction problem in the Bootheel. Orders were also issued to the State Employment Service to cooperate with this committee and state and federal agencies in an attempt to register all tenant and sharecroppers unable to find a place to live.

Three thousand Bootheel landowners received questionnaires from the State Employment Service wanting then names of families they planned to evict and list land available for lease or rent to displaced workers. The agency was seeking five to ten acre plot to possible establish subsistence farms.

Immediately following the January Conference, the FSA accepted the new invitation and sent more personnel to the Bootheel. They had instruction to increase the number of loan application quickly as possible. This was to be a supplement until the State Employment survey was completed.

On February 2, 1940, Governor Stark again asks landowners to delay eviction. At least delay them until the State Employment was completed. Again most landowners complied. The survey was announced as complete on February 15 by Carl Wedeking, head of the District Employment Service. The survey found 925 farm families in seven Delta counties that in 1939 had been on farms and were still looking for other farm locations.

On the survey, landlords were also asked to list job opening available for tenants. Only 98 job listing were offered. A majority of these opening were not for tenants, but for clearing leases on new ground. In heavily timbered land, clearing enough land for a crop would have been near impossible was the judgment of Wedeking of the Employment Service.

The FSA saw the LaForge project a success. When the families entered the project in 1937, they had possessions averaging an estimated $28. In 1940 this had increased to $1,400, plus, after all cost were subtracted, an average of $377 cash. This included all five year loans and interest being met for the year.

Because of local opposition, project such as LaForge could not be built. In spite of the political climate taking a dramatic change since 1939, Public opinion was against “Socialistic schemes that but farm families in colonies. Landowners, while they agreed to the government providing some kind of housing, they strongly objected to families being housed in communities unified in project like LaForge. There was a fear, among the planter, that such community project would become hot-beds of political resistance to planter rule.

This January Conference encouraged the federal government to become involved in the Bootheel. The FSA agreed to provide new forms of assistance. The agreement called for the creation of ten communities in seven counties. Within a year the governor’s committee was effectively working in the Bootheel.

Known as the Delmo Farm Labor Homes Project, they were to provide housing for displaced sharecroppers. As a result, this plan involved the construction of 595 prefabricated houses as well as community buildings, wells, electricity, pluming, storage space, garden space and a porch in 1940 and 41. Each community contained from 50 to 75 units, averaging $800 each to build and set on four-tenth of a acre.

The Delmo project was approved by planters because it would keep farm labor available for seasonal work. To be eligible to be an acceptable home owner in a Delmo community, one had to be a farm worker agreeing to make himself and his family available for work when needed.

During World War II when labor became scarce the landowners pressured the residents of Delmo villages to work as day labors. However, now the farm workers in these communities had enough economic security to bargain with the planters.

In Mississippi County, landlords cut a deal with state and local officials to purchase the house in a federal village just outside Wyatt and scattered the dwelling. David Burgess, a social activist from St. Louis suggested that when the planters did not need farm labors, they cast the off, but now that they are needed they are buying them out.

Because the races were to be housed in separated Delmo community these FSA villages were more acceptable that were the LaForge projects. Unlike the earlier project, there were no demonstrations, or newspaper editorials condemning them. There seemed to be no general resentment, no cries about a socialistic scheme being forced on the projects neighbors.

Ten Delmo Farm Labor Homes Projects were laid out by the FSA in five Southeast Missouri counties. The Kennett Group in Dunklin County, the East Prairies and North Wyatt Groups in Mississippi County, the Morehouse, North Lilbourn, and South Lilbourn Groups in New Madrid County, the Gobler, North Wardell, and North Wardell Groups in Pemiscot County, and the Gray Ridge Group in Stoddard County. Four of these groups, North Wyatt, North Lilbourn Gobler, and South Wardell were designated as African-American communities.

Several of the communities use the same design as North Lilbourn, two parallel streets joined by four streets. Similarly constructed communities are South Lilbourn, North Wyatt, and North Wardell. East Prairie and Morehouse were based on a variation of this design with the two parallel streets being connected by three streets. The Gray Ridge Colony was designed as the Morehouse Group but without the cross streets and was named Circle City after its shape.

The largest and most unique of the Delmo communities is the South Wardell Group bearing no resemblance of any of the other. It was built in the shape of a baseball diamond, including even having what appears to be an infield, outfield, and “on deck” circles.

Over time these communities has have several name changes. Briefly the Kennett Group was recognized as Independence Village then sometime before 1947 it was annexed to the City of Kennett. The North Wyatt Group was Wyatt Junction before becoming Wilson City. Now, the South Wardell Group is known as Homestown. For obvious reason, the Gray Ridge Group was renamed Circle City. The Delmo colony south of Morehouse is listed on maps as Delmo.

Each Delmo Groups was designed around a communal, park-like, open space containing a community building with laundry faculties, showers and offices. Most of the houses were oriented conveniently towards this open space.

Each unit was set on a one acre garden spot and furnished an outhouse. The government also supplied each household with a stove, table and four chairs, tow metal chests, three wide mattresses as well as the gardening supplies of a rake, plow, hoe, and a pressures cooker of canning the gardens products. This cost the residents $3 a month, (in 2011 purchasing power this is equivalent to $36.70).

Comprehensive medical insurance for Delmo residents became available in 1941. This experimental plan from FSA was administrated by the Southeast Missouri Health Service was designed to provide affordable routine and emergency care costing participation family six percent of their monthly earning. Small co-pay was charged for a doctor’s visit but not of medicine. Although the plan would not become effective until 1943, 1,220 families signed up early.

The Delmo Security Homes attracted powerful enemies especially Kennett native Orville Zimmerman. In 1943, the local congressman sat on a select committee in the House of Representative formed to investigate the FSA’s activities. In his view, the FSA objective was communistic as they planned to lease and control all the land in the United States. That agency would become one gigantic supervising agency. The Delmo homes were full of union agitators dominated by social leaders, a Mecca for people that aim to cause confusion in communities. To him the image of rural poverty conjured during the roadside demonstration was a perversion of the realities found in Southeast Missouri.

As the attack succeeded, Public Law 76 was passed. It became unlawful to use federal funds to improve the wages, hours, or living condition of agricultural workers. As Zimmerman intended, the act destroyed the FSA’s programs. Because the Delmo Farm Labor Homes and a few other migrant labor homes were now supervised under the War Food Administration (WFA) they survived. The WFA was part of the Agriculture Extension Service, an agency with little interest in FSA’s programs.

Back in Dunklin County Zimmerman pushed the Dunklin County Medical society leave the Southeast Health Service. Doctors complained about the federal subsidies given the Service created unfair competition.

In early 1945 the European war was coming to an end. Enemies of the Delmo Housing Project increased their offensive. In January the WRFA announced it no longer needed the communities as a war time program. Oversight of the housing project was returned to the FSA. Enemies of the Delmo Farm Labor Homes now control that agency. Frank Hancock, the FS Director, reported that Delmo was an unprofitable burden and now ample housing existed for farm workers elsewhere.

In March Hancock announced all the projects would be sold at public auction. The announcement included a statement sub-contracting the Health Service care to a private medial insurer, Blue Cross.

Activists in the Delmo communities launched a furious campaign to the privatization process. All 505 client families sign a petition, protesting the selling of their homes without due process at public auction. Taking their petition, in April, the representative of the Tenant Committee went to Washington to make their case. Before sympatric congressmen, they told of their plight at a St. Louis meeting that was coved by the national press. Their petition was forwarded to the White House. President Roosevelt died a few days later in Georgia.

With the Delmo housing sure to be sold, the committee began searching for way for the resident to retain their homes.

Late in 1945, these interested citizens in St. Louis formed the Delmo Housing Corporation. These were citizens had been concerned since the 1939 Demonstration. They worked with Mitchell and other STFU officials (contributed $4,500) to help at the eleventh hour to raise money for the purchase the homes for the government then resell them to the residents with long term low interest notes. The Sherwood Eddy Foundation of New York, along with contributions from the Episcopal Diocese of Missouri, NSCCP ($1,000) Marshall Field, ($12,500) and Alfred Baker Lewis helped finance the initial down payment for the St. Louis group.

Altogether, $285,000 (equals to $3, 560,000 in 2011) was raised without political support. The purchase includes the houses, lots, household furnishing, community building and roads within the community. Each family paid $800 to be repaid in $7.50 (equals $61.91 in 2011 if wages were $0.45 an hour in 2011 wages would equal $9.43 for unskilled labor) payment would be for eight years.

Although FSA still had problems in Southeast Missouri, the project proved to be the most successful and longest lasting was the labor homes program providing farm workers low cost rental housing. The pilot Group Workers Homes Project, popularly known later as the Delmo Homes project, allowed the FSA to purchase land, build homes and rent them at a low cost. Then, for all partial purposes, the Federal government was the landlord.

While most of the residents in these Group Workers Homes Projects no longer had ambitions to be landowners, they were in position to exploit the changing Southern agricultural economy as farms became more mechanized. More farms were in the early 1940’s were employing only a few tractor drivers for most of the year. Large numbers of day laborers were needed for a few months for chopping and picking cotton. During the Southern off-seasons, many FSA residents became migratory farm workers picking fruits and vegetables and returning to the Bootheel in the spring and fall.

While Negros led in the roadside demonstration in 1939 as well as relation with FSA, and with the State of Missouri, they lost when it came to housing numbers and against racism in the Bootheel and with the New Deal. Yet they gained when the FSA was terminated and they were forced to purchase the house they lived in. Then they no longer rented the building they lived in, but purchased a home.

 


Comments

Warren C. Varney
04/16/2014 6:03pm

I spent 6 weeks in the summer of 1959 at a work camp in the Delmo villages. An incredible and life changing event. I am going to visit there again this summer to touch base again. What an incredible history and people. Our country knows little of such stories.

Reply
Melvin Treadwell
02/09/2016 1:11pm

Warren:

I lived in the North Lilbourn Delmo Project in 1959. I recall all of us looking for to the "Campers" coming each summer. I agree this is an untold story. I refer to the children of this era as "Delmo Kids". This was truly a hard life, but not as difficult as our parents and Grandparents. This history drives many of us today.

I would be interested in your take on what inspired you to lend a helpful hand.

Melvin

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    Having grown up on Little River, I have been fascinated with it. Over the past several years, as a local historian, this area has been a special interest. 

     These areas have been treated much like step-children by Jefferson City and Little Rock. They seem to believe nothing has ever happened here.  Our history has been long and varied. Hope you enjoy my trip.  

    Near Puxico is the swampy Mingo Wildlife Refuge. One hundred and fifty year ago, most of the Little River Valley appeared that way. This valley covering two million acres was part of the largest wetland in America.

    Floods frequently intimated the Valley. Between 1815 and 2011, 15 major floods covered or threatened the area.

    Timber companies came in at the end of the 19th Century to clean cut the forest. Louis Houck, a Cape Girardeau lawyer and railroad builder, envisioned a rail network that covered the wetlands.

    Little River Drainage District (LRDD) Corporation was established in 1907 by an act of the Butler County (MO) Circuit Court. 

    Between 1909 and 1928 the LRDD dug nearly 1000 miles of ditches and constructed 30 miles of levees to drain 1.2 million acres of swamp and overflow land in Southeast Missouri. More dirt was moved than in building the Panama Canal.

    One surprise I had was the number of settlements in the area before 1811-1812. Another was the water connection between the Mississippi River and the St. Francis and I had no idea that Little River had enough current to run a grist mill.

    Norman Vickers

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